FROM OCTOBER 18 TO NOVEMBER 18
RUSSIA
BOLSHEVIKI IN POWER, KERENSKY OVERTHROWN.—On November 7, forces controlled by the Council of Workmen's and Soldiers' Delegates seized public buildings in Petrograd and drove the Kerensky government out of the city. Having gained control of the capital, the Maximalists proclaimed a cabinet, with their leader, Nikolai Lenine, as Premier and Leon Trotzky as Foreign Minister. One of the first acts of the new government was to issue a proclamation (November 9), approved by a special "All-Russian" Congress of Workmen's and Soldiers' Delegates, stating the two cardinal policies: (1) That the government would propose an armistice "to come into force at once on all fronts"; and (2) that it would "assure the free return of all private, state and ecclesiastical lands to the peasants' committees." The proclamation called on the army to resist the opposition organized by General Korniloff, Kerensky and Kaledines.
Petrograd, November 9.—"We plan to offer an immediate armistice of three months, during which elected representatives from all nations, and not the diplomats, are to settle the questions of peace," said Nikolai Lenine, the Maximalist leader, in a speech before the Workmen's and Soldiers' congress to-day.
We offer these terms," M. Lenine added, "but we are willing to consider any proposals for peace, no matter from which side. We offer a just peace, but will not accept unjust terms. This war cannot be ended by one side only."
On a raised platform in the commencement room of the Smolny Institute, the headquarters of the revolutionary government, Leon Trotzky was seated, carefully groomed, smiling and triumphant in workman's garb. Nikolai Lenine, quiet, reserved, and studious, was beside him. Near them was Mme. Kollonty, young, attractive, and earnest. The others of the present controlling government of Petrograd were grouped about them. The room was crowded with delegates, soldiers predominating. There were also a number of sailors seated among the peasant delegates. The leaders outlined the aims and decisions of the Military Revolutionary Committee as follows:
"The abolition of capital punishment, the immediate release of all soldiers arrested by the Kerensky government for political offences, all members of the Kerensky government to be arrested, and all the revolutionary committees ordered to arrest Kerensky himself and to punish those aiding him to escape.—N. Y. Times, 10/11.
While the speedy downfall of the Bolsheviki government was widely prophesied, their forces on November 18 retained control of Petrograd and outlying districts of Moscow. Fighting had continued throughout the preceding week between Bolsheviki and Kerensky forces. Reports indicated that Kerensky was without popular following and that the position of the Bolsheviki leaders was little stronger. Separate emergency governments had been set up by Cossack leaders in the provinces north of the Caucasus.
SMALL VOTE FOR BOLSHEVIKI.—Petrograd, October 31.—The non-partisan and conservative socialist groups have won sweeping victories over the radical Bolsheviki candidates in the municipal elections in most of Russia, according to returns from 643 cities and towns.
In the larger cities the average Bolsheviki vote was only 7 per cent, while in the smaller towns it was 2.2 per cent. About 50 per cent of the vote in the smaller towns was cast by no-party groups, considered largely bourgeoisie.
GERMANY
VON HERTLING SUCCEEDS MICHAELIS.—Dispatches of November 1 confirmed the appointment of Count George F. von Hertling, Bavarian Premier, to the position of German Imperial Chancellor and Prime Minister of Prussia. It was at first reported that the offices of Chancellor and Prussian Premier would be separated and that Michaelis would retain the latter; but the pressure of the Left in the Reichstag forced Michaelis from both positions. By the present arrangement, the bills for Prussian suffrage reform, which are said to have been explicitly promised, will be put through by a Bavarian.
In the theory of the German Constitution the Chancellor is not only the agent of the Kaiser, but also the head of the Prussian delegation in the Federal Council, the upper and dominant house of the imperial legislature. As Chancellor he is the sole plenary Minister of State, appointed by the Kaiser, and dividing with him the functions which the President performs in this country; responsible to the Kaiser alone, and as supreme over the Ministers of Foreign Affairs, Marine, etc., as the President is over the members of his Cabinet. But he is not only the instrument of the Kaiser, as Kaiser, but also as King of Prussia, and in this capacity he presides over the Prussian Ministry as well as leads the delegation which voices the wish of the King of Prussia in the Federal Council. Every Chancellor since Bismarck has also held both positions at the outset of his term, though Caprivi, Bismarck's immediate successor, resigned the presidency of the Prussian Council of Ministers two years before he was dismissed as Chancellor. This is not the first time a Bavarian has held the Chancellorship. Prince von Hohenlohe, Chancellor from 1894 to 1900, was a Bavarian by birth, and at the time of the unification of the north and south of Germany, in 1871, was Bavarian Premier, and a strong influence in bringing the sections of the nation together.
The appointment of a Bavarian and a Catholic to the Chancellorship may be taken as a clever concession to non-Prussian states in the Empire and as a means of winning over the Catholic Center Party. It was made safe by the fact that Bavaria, with seven votes in the Bundesrat, has always supported Prussia in opposition to popular government and ministerial responsibility to the lower house.
REICHSTAG ASSERTS ITSELF.—In spite of von Hertling's doubtful zeal for reform, the cabinet change is regarded as a Radical victory. Before taking office, von Hertling found it necessary to consult party leaders in the Reichstag, and agreed to the resignation of Vice Chancellor Helfferich, a thorn in the side of the Socialists, and the appointment of the Progressive Friederich von Payer in his place. In the new cabinet all factions save the Conservatives are represented, and it has the support of the Centrists and Liberals. Considering the attention paid the Reichstag, the Centrist leader, Erzberger, hailed the change, somewhat prematurely, as the inauguration of a parliamentary régime. Whether it may be taken as a temporary compromise or a permanent concession will depend on military results.
VON HERTLING’S VIEWS.—Von Hertling has been known as strongly opposed to the idea of a Chancellor responsible to Parliament. This opposition is based on his fear that such a development would weaken the federative principle in the Empire and with it the exceptional rights which the Federal Constitution confers on Bavaria.
Further indication of the disposition of the imperial authorities to conciliate Bavaria, and of von Hertling's attitude with regard to this, may be found in a speech which he made, October 10, in the Main Committee of the Bavarian Lower House. As reported by Reuter, this statement also indicates the extent to which von Hertling's leaning toward a "moderate" peace may extend. In discussing the question of the "dis-annexation" of Alsace-Lorraine, he expressed himself unmistakably in favor of the division of this imperial territory, suggested last spring, between Prussia and Bavaria.
"Of the sacrifice of this German territory," he said, "there can be no talk. In the question of Alsace-Lorraine, Bavaria must represent not Bavarian, but German views. According to Bavarian views the union of Alsace with South Germany and of Lorraine with Prussia would be expedient, but the idea of autonomy is a great mistake, and would not produce any reconciliation with France.
"It is not yet time," he also said, "for Germany to make any declaration with regard to her pawn, Belgium. In all the circumstances she must take care to obtain political and economic guarantees against the future hostility of Belgium, but we must proceed with moderation and with consideration for the wishes of the Belgian people."
Last spring von Hertling was credited with responsibility for the publication in the Bavarian Staats-Zeitung of an article in which it was set forth that Germany did not need to seek indemnities from her foes, but must insist on the restoration of full commercial privileges.
The Bavarian statesman is 74 years old, and has been unwilling to take the post of Imperial Minister on account of his age. He was born in Darmstadt in 1843. He studied at Münster, Munich, Berlin, and in Italy, and in 1882 became a professor of philosophy at Bonn. He served in the Reichstag from 1875 to 1890 and from 1896 to 1898. In 1912 he was made Bavarian Minister of Foreign Affairs and Prime Minister.
Among his works are: Matter and Form and Aristotle's Definition of the Soul, The Limits of the Mechanistic Interpretation of Nature, John Locke and the Cambridge School, The Principles of Catholicism and Science, and a study of Albertus Magnus.—N. Y. Times, 31/10.
GERMAN FREEDOM OF THE SEAS.—F. Sefton Delmer, late English lecturer in Berlin University, and recently escaped from internment in Germany, gave to the London Times the following extract from a speech made by Count zu Reventlow at the Berlin Philharmonic Hall in March, 1917. If correctly reported, it may be taken as a German exposition of "freedom of the seas":
"What do we Germans understand by the freedom of the seas?" he said. "Of course we do not mean by it that free use of the sea which is the common privilege of all nations in times of peace, the right to the open highways of international trade. That sort of freedom of the sea we had before the war. What we understand to-day by this doctrine is that Germany should possess such maritime territories and such naval bases that at the outbreak of a war we should be able, with our navy ready, reasonably to guarantee ourselves the command of the seas. We want such a jumping-off place for our navy as would give us a fair chance of dominating the seas and of being free of the seas during a war. [Cheers.] The inalienable possession of the Belgian seaboard is therefore a matter of life and death to us, and the man is a traitor who would faint-heartedly relinquish this coast to England. Our aim must be not only to keep what our arms have already won on this coast, but sooner or later to extend our seaboard to the south of the Strait of Calais."
GERMANY'S WAR DEBT.—The Seventh German War Loan, closed October 18, is announced to have yielded 12,430,000,000 marks, or nominally about $3,107,500,000. The total war debt of Germany is now $18,104,000,000, on which the annual interest is, roughly, $900,000,000.
On the other hand, the net revenue of Germany for the year ended March last was barely $700,000,000. Thus the interest on the war debt exceeds the present revenue by $200,000,000, and exceeds by nearly $50,000,000 the entire imperial revenue in the last year before the war. (Condensed from N. Y. Nation, financial column, November 1, 1917.)
ITALY
BOSELLI CABINET RESIGNS.—The retreat of Italian military forces precipitated the downfall of the Boselli Cabinet on October 26. A new government was organized by Vittorio Orlando, who was Minister of the Interior in the old Cabinet and who by his use of this position was largely responsible for preceding Cabinet crises. The Ministry of the Interior carries with it the appointment of provincial governors and practical control of the internal government of Italy. In the new Ministry, which was announced October 30, Premier Orlando retains the portfolio of the Interior. The continuance of Baron Sonnino as Minister of Foreign Affairs is taken as insuring no change in Italy's foreign policy or weakening in her attitude toward the war.
Vittorio Emanuele Orlando, the Minister of the Interior of the late Boselli Cabinet, although recognized as one of the most subtle statesmen in Italy, had already, because of the portfolio he held, provoked three crises in the government, the last of which has carried him into the Premiership.
Usually the portfolio of the Interior is held by the Premier—it was so in Giolitti's time and thereby placed within his gift the appointment of the 69 prefects or provincial governors, through whom he practically ruled Italy.
Orlando began his career as a Sicilian lawyer, and as Deputy from Palermo was early discovered by Giolitti; but he broke with the “big boss," as did many others, when Italy entered the war.
From 1903 to 1905 he was Minister of Education in the second Giolitti Ministry. Again, under Giolitti, he was Minister of Justice between 1907 and 1909, and for the last three years he has sat in war cabinets under Signor Salandra.—N. Y. Times, 31/10.
ITALY'S DIFFICULTIES.—The correspondent, Charles H. Grasty, writes as follows :
"Rome, November 13.—To understand the present situation in Italy it is necessary to consider three essential facts:
"The first is geographical. The remark is attributed to Napoleon: 'Italy is a wonderful country, but too long.' From Turin to Naples and back is as long a trip for a Caproni as from Turin to London.
"The second fact is racial and dynastic. The Kingdom of Italy is only 5o years old, composed of units widely separated and differing in race and historic antecedents.
"Third, there is a kingdom within a kingdom. The Vatican is in Italy, but not of it. No one can grasp the present condition without realizing that in Italy there occupy the same ground two separate and inherently antagonistic powers—one spiritual with the temporal in retrospect and prospect, and the other purely temporal. Their subjects are the same, for practically all Italy is Catholic. History has bequeathed this condition.
"If all Italy had the spirit of Milan no question would arise as to its power of resistance to the German invasion or a separate peace. There is no white feather in Milan. The Milanese will die, if necessary, in the proud belief that their city is the center of Italy's will to war.
"Rome is a different story. There is no danger here of actual German murder and pillage. The censorship is strict, and the masses are ignorant of the seriousness of the northern situation. Furthermore, Rome lives much in the past, and her climate is relaxing. Rome has a great many 'knockers.' There are circles which take pride in holding 'well-balanced' views. From such sources flows a constant stream of cynical sanity which is destructive of the war spirit.
"Baron Sonnino by common consent is Italy's leading figure. He is of Jewish origin, and English on his mother's side. He has never once talked to a newspaper man, even privately, and is the most aloof of all the world's statesmen. Sonnino's brilliant mind illuminates everything within a certain radius, but the circle on which he throws its light is small."—N. Y. Times, 14/11.
FRANCE
FALL OF PAINLEVÉ CABINET.—On October 23 Premier Painlevé accepted the resignation of M. Ribot, the veteran Minister of Foreign Affairs, and put in his place M. J. Louis Barthou. The change, made apparently as a result of Socialist opposition to Ribot's firm foreign policy, failed to strengthen the Painlevé Cabinet, which resigned on November 13.
Paris, November t3.—The Painlevé Ministry resigned to-night, following its defeat in the Chamber of Deputies by a vote of 277 to 186, after a prolonged debate on the new Allied War Council and other questions. The Socialists refused to support the government.
Premier Painlevé read a defence of the new War Council, after which he said that he accepted discussion of the government's diplomatic and military, but not interior, policy. The question of the current scandals being thus barred, Abel Ferry condemned the War Council as merely an inter-Allied secretarial bureau.
After a heated discussion on various interpellations, Premier Painlevé put the question bluntly: Has the present government the confidence of the Chamber? Has it the necessary authority to represent France at the coming Allied conference?"
The government then received a vote of confidence, 250 to 192, a majority of 58, but about 100 members, nearly all of whom were Socialists, abstained from voting. On a subsequent vote the government was defeated, M. Renaudel announcing that the Socialists could not support the Cabinet.—N. Y. Times, 14/11.
The downfall of the Painlevé Ministry, like that of the Ribot Ministry, was due to the refusal of Socialist elements either to share in the government or give it whole-hearted support. Their policy was rather to force resignations by passive opposition. However complicated by spy scandals and internal disputes, the opposition of the Socialists seems to have been in reality directed against government war aims and policies.
CLEMENCEAU HEADS NEW GOVERNMENT.—M. Georges Clemenceau was called upon to form a new Cabinet, and on November 16, after less than 24 hours, announced its make-up as follows:
Premier and Minister of War—GEORGES CLEMENCEAU.
Minister of Foreign Affairs—STEPHEN PICHON.
Minister of Justice—LOUIS NAIL.
Minister of Interior—JULES PAMS.
Minister of Finance—LOUIS KLOTZ.
Minister of Marine—GEORGES LEYGUES..
Minister off Commerce—ETIENNE CLEMENTEL.
Minister of Public Works—ALBERT CLAVELLE.
Minister of Munitions—LOUIS LOUCHEUR.
Minister of Instruction—LOUIS LAFFERRE.
Minister of Colonies—HENRY SIMON.
Minister of Labor—M. COLLIARD.
Minister of Provisions—VICTOR BORET.
Minister of Blockade and Invaded Region—CHARLES C. A. JONNART.
M. Clemenceau, nicknamed "the Tiger," is 76 years of age. He has been conspicuous in the present war chiefly for his slashing editorials in L'Homme Libre, later L'Homme Enchainé. He led in the defence of Dreyfus, and was Premier from 1906 to 1909, during which period, in spite of his consistent radical Republicanism, he put down labor troubles with an iron hand. This will insure Socialist opposition in the future.
M. Clemenceau's Cabinet is predominantly radical Republican, with no Conservatives, no Royalists, and no Socialists. Four ministers—Klotz, Clementel, Clavelle and Loucheur—hold over from the preceding Cabinet. The new ministers are characterized as uncompromising fighters, like their leader.
THE FUTURE OF ALSACE-LORRAINE.—The London Times of October 12 and 13, published a long article from an Alsatian correspondent in favor of the retrocession of Alsace-Lorraine to France. Briefly stated, the points made were these:
Historical.—The German plea that the two provinces once belonged to the Holy Roman and Germanic empires, is more than counterbalanced by their subsequent long connection with France. The question, however, is one not of ancient history but of practical politics, looking to the future safety of Europe and the world. In 1815 the second Peace of Paris transferred the provinces on the left bank of the Rhine from France to Prussia, with the definite object of checking the aggressiveness of France, at a time when the future power and predatory aims of Prussia were unsuspected. For this aggrandisement of Germany the rest of Europe was responsible. Germany has now a population nearly double that of the country against whose ambitions she was strengthened in 1815. The tables are turned.
In 1871 Europe remained passive while Germany annexed another slice of France and added another million and a half to her already large population. This was not a question of adjusting the European balance; it was sheer plunder at which the other powers stood by with folded hands.
Industrial.—By the acquisition of 1871 Germany gained some of the most valuable of French iron mines and two-thirds of her blast furnaces—an invaluable supplement to the conveniently adjacent coal fields of the Sarre basin, seized in 1815. Aside from the Sarre coal fields, Germany already possessed more than half the coal reserve of the Continent. The Briey-Longwy iron fields were therefore of far greater value, because the German iron fields east of the Rhine are so limited that of the 28 million tons of iron ore extracted from German soil in 1913, 21 million came from Lorraine. "Without those 21 millions and the many more millions of which they were the successors, the war would probably never have been begun. Without the further millions brought to the surface during the war—if only the French could have made an advance of three miles on a front of 10, so as to have occupied the German part of the mining area, instead of being compelled by the suddenness of the attack to retire and leave their own at the mercy of the enemy—it could never have been continued. That was the Worth of the Briey-Longwy iron mines to the German marauders."
The following table, from the Quarterly Review, October, 1917, gives the percentage of iron from the Lorraine district
Continuing, the article points out that the 1871 frontier brought Germany within easy striking distance, through Luxemburg and Belgium, of the chief coal and iron districts of France, so that after the Battle of the Marne, 90 per cent of French iron, 86 per cent of her cast iron, 78 per cent of her coal, and 76 per cent of her steel, remained in German hands, besides 95 out of 127 blast furnaces. Thus Germany had not only all her own coal and iron output, but 83 per cent of France's.
Plebiscite Unfair.—The article argues against a plebiscite in view of the 400,000 German immigrés, and the thousands of true Alsatians and Lorrainers who have left the provinces. "The whole problem of the future position in Europe of the two provinces is of such tremendous import to the peace of the world that it can be settled in only one way. They must be given back to France."
GREAT BRITAIN
NORTHCLIFFE REJECTS AIR POST.—In a letter to Premier Lloyd George oN November 15, Lord Northcliffe declined to take control of the new British Air Ministry. His letter, which he at once published, gives the following bright picture of conditions as he saw them in America:
"Returning after five months spent in the virile atmosphere of the United States and Canada, I find that, while these two countries are proceeding with their war preparations with a fervor and enthusiasm little understood on this side of the Atlantic, while the United States instantly put into operation conscription, over which we wabbled for two years, and is making short work of sedition mongers; while Canada already has given such proofs of thoroughness as the disfranchisement of conscientious objectors and the denaturalization of all enemy aliens naturalized within the last 15 years; while we, for our part, are asking immense sacrifices from those peoples, there are still in office here those who dally with such urgent questions as that of unity of war control, eradication of sedition, mobilization of the whole man and woman power of the country, and the introduction of compulsory food rations.
"I had personal experience while in America of the obstruction and delay in certain departments in London, which, for example, postponed sending Lord Reading's vital and most successful mission. I find the censorship still being misused, and that men in various positions of authority, who should have been punished, have been retained and in some cases elevated.
"The spirit of the men and women of Great Britain is clearly as eager and splendid as ever. We have, in my belief, the most efficient army in the world, led by one of the greatest generals, and I am well aware of the fine achievements of many others of our soldiers, sailors and statesmen, but I feel in the present circumstances I can do better work if I maintain my independence and am not gagged by a loyalty that I do not feel toward the whole of your administration."—N. Y. Times, 16/11.
As a result of the offer to Lord Northcliffe, revealed by his published reply, Viscount Cowdray, head of the old Air Board, resigned on November 16.
ALLIED WAR COUNCIL.—On his return from Italy Premier Lloyd George announced, on November 14, the agreement of Great Britain, France and Italy for an inter-Allied War Council, on the following terms:
"First.—With a view to better coordination of the military action on the western front, a Supreme War Council is composed of the Prime Minister and a member of the government of each of the great powers whose armies are fighting on that front, the extension of the scope of the council to other fronts to be reserved for discussion with the other great powers.
"Second.—The Supreme War Council has for its mission to watch over the general conduct of the war. It prepares recommendations for the consideration of the government and keeps itself informed of their execution and reports thereon to the respective governments.
"Third.—The General Staff and military commands of the armies of each power charged with the conduct of the military operations remain responsible to their respective governments.
"Fourth.—General war plans drawn by competent military authorities are submitted to the Supreme War Council, which under high authority of government insures its concordance and submits, if need be, any necessary changes.
“Fifth.—Each power delegates to the Supreme War Council one permanent military representative, whose exclusive function is to act as technical adviser to the council.
"Sixth.—Military representatives receive from the government and the competent military authorities of their country all proposals, information and documents relating to the conduct of the war.
"Seventh.—The military representatives watch day by day the situation of the forces and the means of all kinds of which the Allies and enemy armies dispose.
"Eighth.—The Supreme War Council meets normally at Versailles, where the permanent military representatives and staffs are established. They may meet at other places according to circumstances. Meetings of the Supreme War Council take place at least once a month."
Sharp criticism of this council was voiced in both England and France on the grounds: (1) That it threatened civilian control and interference in strictly military matters; (2) that it did not go far enough in the direction of unified military control of all fronts. Answering these objections in the House of Commons, Premier Lloyd George read the terms of the agreement, and added the following explanation:
"From the foregoing it will be clear that the council will have no executive power, and that final decisions in the matter of strategy and the distribution and movements of the various armies in the field will rest with the several governments of the Allies. There will therefore be no operations department attached to the council. The permanent military representatives will derive from the existing intelligence departments of the Allies all information necessary in order to enable them to submit advice to the supreme Allied council.
"The object of the Allies has been to set up a central body charged with the duty of continuously surveying the field of operations, as a whole, by the light of information derived from all the fronts, and from all the governments and staffs, and of coordinating the plans prepared by the different general staffs, and, if necessary, of making proposals of their own for the better conduct of the war."—N. Y. Times, 16/11.
DEATH OF SULTAN OF EGYPT.—The Sultan of Egypt, Hussein Kamel, died October 9, 1917, at the age of 64. He ascended the throne in December, 1914. Sultan Hussein is succeeded by his younger brother, Prince Ahmed Fuad, who was born in 1868 and was educated in Italy. He has been consistently well disposed toward British control.
UNITED STATES
U. S. DELEGATES TO PARIS WAR CONFERENCE.—On November 7 Secretary Lansing announced the arrival in England of the American Commissioners to the Allied War Conference, scheduled to meet in Paris in the latter part of November. Secretary Lansing's statement was, in part, as follows:
"The government of the United States will participate in the approaching conference of the powers waging war against the German Empire, and has sent as its representative Edward M. House, who is accompanied by Admiral W. S. Benson, Chief of Naval Operations; General Tasker H. Bliss, Chief of Staff, U. S. A.; Oscar T. Crosby, Assistant Secretary of the Treasury; Vance McCormick, chairman of the War Trade Board; Bainbridge Colby, United States Shipping Board; Dr. Alonzo Taylor, representing the Food Controller; Thomas Nelson Perkins, representing Priority Board, and Gordon Auchincloss, as secretary.
"The conference is essentially a 'war conference' with the object of perfecting a more complete coordination of the activities of the various nations engaged in the conflict and a more comprehensive understanding of their respective needs, in order that the work of the co-belligerents may attain the highest war efficiency. While a definite program has not been adopted, it may be assumed that the subjects to be discussed will embrace not only those pertaining to military and naval operations, but also the financial, commercial, economic and other phases of the present situation which are of vital importance to the successful prosecution of the war.—N. Y. Times, 7/11.
Washington, November 16.—It became known to-day that three separate conferences, in all of which the United States will participate, would be held in Paris. The general conference, in which Colonel House will represent the United States, will be devoted to the whole question of coordinated effort in the conduct of the war. Another conference will be devoted to plans for military cooperation, with General Bliss, Chief of the General Staff, as the American representative, and the third to plans for naval cooperation, with Admiral Benson, Chief of Naval Operations, representing this government.—N. Y. Times, 16/11.
The President's mission has arrived in stormy times. It seems odd that the quiet man who a few years ago directed a bank in Austin, Texas, should now be the bearer of encouragement and reassurance to all civilized Europe, but it is the literal fact. Never in history has any foreigner come to Europe and found greater acceptance or wielded more power. Behind this super-Ambassador, whose authority and activities are unique, stands the President, now rated in Europe as the world's greatest living statesman, and behind the President stands the country whose measureless resources and unshakeable will are counted a sure shield against the successful sweep of Prussianism.—C. H. Grasty, N. Y. Times, 18/11.
WAR ON AUSTRIA ADVOCATED.—In view of Italy's military setback, an American declaration of war against Austria has been widely advocated as a measure essential to effective support of Italy. Speaking at Princeton on November 16, Mr. Roosevelt said:
"We announced that our purpose was to make the world safe for democracy. This pledges us to immense sacrifice in a hard, dangerous crusade, eminently righteous, but for an object in which our own concern was slight. Personally, I was and am eagerly ready to enter into such a crusade, if our people seriously intend to put it through, but our people ought thoroughly to understand what it means. Our grievance was against Germany, and we could with honor have joined with our allies to war against her until she was overthrown and then make peace in such fashion as to guarantee justice to them and to us, and to make the world a little safer for all of its inhabitants. But a pledge to ‘make the world safe for democracy,' is a solemn engagement to smash the two nations which most conspicuously make democracy unsafe within their own borders, Austria and Turkey."
AGREEMENT BETWEEN UNITED STATES AND JAPAN.—On November 6 Secretary Lansing published the text of an important agreement between the United States and Japan with regard to China. The agreement "recognizes that Japan has special interests in China, particularly in the part to which her possessions are contiguous"; but at the same time it declares the adherence of both governments "to the principle of the so-called ‘Open Door.'" Identic letters were exchanged between Secretary Lansing and Viscount Ishii, special Japanese Ambassador, as follows:
DEPARTMENT OF STATE, WASHINGTON, November 2, 1917.
Excellency.—I have the honor to communicate herein my understanding of the agreement reached by us in our recent conversations touching the questions of mutual interest to our governments relating to the Republic of China.
In order to silence mischievous reports that have from time to time been circulated, it is believed by us that a public announcement once more of the desires and intentions shared by our two governments with regard to China is advisable.
The governments of the United States and Japan recognize that territorial propinquity creates special relations between countries, and, consequently, the government of the United States recognizes that Japan has special interests in China, particularly in the part to which her possessions are contiguous.
The territorial sovereignty of China, nevertheless, remains unimpaired, and the government of the United States has every confidence in the repeated assurances of the Imperial Japanese Government that, while geographical position gives Japan such special interests, they have no desire to discriminate against the trade of other nations or to disregard the commercial rights heretofore granted by China in treaties with other powers.
The governments of the United States and Japan deny that they have any purpose to infringe in any way the independence or territorial integrity of China, and they declare, furthermore, that they always adhere to the principle of the so-called "open door," or equal opportunity for commerce and industry in China.
Moreover, they mutually declare that they are opposed to the acquisition by any government of any special rights or privileges that would affect the independence or territorial integrity of China, or that would deny to the subjects or citizens of any country the full enjoyment of equal opportunity in the commerce and industry of China.
I shall be glad to have your Excellency confirm this understanding of the agreement reached by us.
Accept, Excellency, the renewed assurance of my highest consideration.
ROBERT LANSING.
THE AGREEMENT EXPLAINED.—Commenting on the note, Secretary Lansing explained that it served to remove mutual suspicion, which had been stirred up by enemy efforts to alienate the two countries. It also expressed Japan's whole-hearted desire to cooperate in the war against Germany.
According to statements by Japanese diplomats, Japan's special interests in China are already recognized by treaties between Russia and Japan and between Great Britain and Japan. In other respects, the note reaffirms the Root-Takahira "gentlemen's agreement" of November 30, 1908, pledging the two nations to respect each other's Pacific possessions and support the principle of the Open Door.
CHINA NOT BOUND.—On November 13 Secretary Lansing made public a note from China which, without protesting against the Lansing-Ishii pact, announced that "the Chinese Government will not allow itself to be bound by any agreement entered into by other nations."
JAPANESE DEMANDS ON CHINA.—Peking, October 26.—The Japanese are exerting every effort, officially and unofficially, to close the Chinese arms monopoly contract, carrying control of the Nanking iron deposits and the employment of Japanese military advisers and a director of the new arsenal at Nanking. It is asserted by the Japanese that they are extending credit, and not making a loan, and consequently that they are not violating the six powers' exclusive rights to make political loans.
This view is not shared by the French and the English and a large section of the Chinese press, as well as diplomatic circles, which unite in denouncing the deal as a revival of the most objectionable features in Japan's demands presented to China in May, 1915, known as "Group V." The principal provisions of those demands, which were 21 in number, concerned the appointment of Japanese military and political advisers for China and Japanese supervision over the manufacture or purchase by China of munitions of war.
Minister Reinsch has advised the Foreign Office that China has invariably taken the position that it would hold the remainder of the iron deposits for national use whenever Americans have sought development rights, and that consequently the United States now would insist that American interests be given consideration in the Chinese iron industry. The ministers of several other countries have taken the same position.
SOUTH AMERICA
BRAZIL DECLARES WAR ON GERMANY.—On October 26 President Bray, of Brazil, proclaimed a state of war with Germany, following a unanimous vote in favor of such action in the Senate and a vote in the Chamber of Deputies of 149 to 1. On November 7 the Chamber of Deputies passed a series of supplementary measures against Germany, including annulment of German contracts for public works, control of German banks and firms, and internment of German suspects.
The army has been concentrated in Rio Grande do Sul. Plans are being pushed to increase the Brazilian Army to 100,000 and adopt conscription instead of voluntary service.
GERMAN PLOTS REVEALED.—On October 30 Secretary Lansing published two additional intercepted dispatches from Count Luxburg at Buenos Aires to the Berlin Foreign Office, revealing German plans to make use of the German population in southern Brazil and to stir up dissension among South American states. The dispatches, phrased in the count's inimitable style, follow:
No. 63. July 7, 1917.—Our attitude toward Brazil has created the impression here that our easy-going good-nature can be counted on. This is dangerous in South America where the people under thin veneer are Indians. A submarine squadron with full powers to me might probably still save the situation. I request instructions as to whether after a rupture of relations legation is to start for home or to remove to Paraguay or possibly Chile. The naval attaché will doubtless go to Santiago de Chile.
LUXBURG.
No. 89. August 4, 1917.—I am convinced that we shall be able to carry through our principal political aims in South America, the maintenance of open market in Argentina and the reorganization of South Brazil equally well whether with or against Argentina. Please cultivate friendship with Chile. The announcement of the visit of a submarine squadron to salute the President would even now exercise decisive influence on the situation in South America. Prospect excellent for wheat harvest in December.
LUXBURG.