FROM JUNE 10 TO JULY 10
AXIS WAR ON RUSSIA
Nazi Invasion. —After an extended period during which both Russian and German troops were concentrated on their common frontiers, and a shorter period of intensified Nazi pressure for complete collaboration, the German Government on the morning of June 22 declared war on the Soviet Union and began a general invasion of Soviet territory. Rumania, as arranged in earlier conferences of Gen. Antonescu at Munich, at once joined in. Of slight consequence were the grievances against the Soviet Government advanced by Hitler and Ribbentrop, which included espionage, double-dealing, and designs against Rumania and Finland. What Germany had apparently demanded, as an alternative of war, was almost complete control of the Ukraine, demobilization of the Red army, and a general influx of German technicians to supervise Soviet heavy industry and transport. These also were German aims in the war, which if carried out on schedule was expected to reach Moscow in a month’s time. If successful, the campaign would end the menace on Germany’s eastern frontier, give access to Soviet grain and oil, and open the way for a possible advance into the Middle East through southeastern Russia.
Satellite States Join. —On June 22, the date of the German invasion, Italy also declared a state of war with the Soviet Union as having existed since 5:30 A.M. that day. This apparently took by surprise not only the Soviet Ambassador but also the Italian people, who had been kept very much in the dark regarding the complete reverse in Axis-Soviet relations. They were now told, however, that the Führer and the Duce had decided on the war at their meeting on June 2. Italy’s part was to consist chiefly of naval activity in Axis- controlled areas of the Adriatic and Aegean. Once Germany was master of the Black Sea coasts and the Russo-Turkish border, Italian commentators looked for a new phase of the war in the Middle East. Hungary declared a state of war on June 27, as a result of “aerial attacks.” The Vichy Government in France broke off diplomatic relations with the Soviet Union on June 30, and announced that it would make no objection to the recruiting of a French volunteer force in “the European struggle against communism.” The government also began a roundup of Reds and Russians on French soil.
Finland Enters War. —In the struggle between the Soviet Union and Germany, Finland at first assumed an attitude of neutrality, though Hitler had at once referred to the northern republic as an ally and the acceptance of numerous German troops in Finland could hardly be regarded as a good way to keep out of the conflict. Russian air bombardments of Finnish bases and cities soon followed, and on June 26 President Risto Ryti declared that his nation was engaged in “defensive war.” But that this was an offensive defensive was indicated by subsequent advance of Finnish and Nazi troops into Russian territory in the Murmansk region and elsewhere, with the aim of cutting off Russia’s northern seaports. Sweden again provided volunteer support for Finland, and on June 25, after the opening of hostilities, permitted a division of about 15,000 German troops to cross Swedish territory en route from Norway to the Soviet-Finnish border. This was done at the request of both Germany and Finland. As a serious violation of strict neutrality, it was followed by sharp British protests.
Turkey Still Neutral. —From Turkey came most of the pre-war rumors of a break between Russia and Germany, and from Turkey also came the tale that before the outbreak of hostilities the German Ambassador at Angora, Von Papen, had advanced tentative offers to Britain for a compromise settlement and a joint campaign against the Reds. When the German invasion began, the Turkish Government at once announced that it would maintain strict neutrality, in accord with its nonaggression pacts with both belligerents. The nonaggression pact, or “amity and consultation agreement,” with Germany was a recent affair, announced to the world on June 18. According to its terms, this treaty was to run for 10 years, each nation agreeing to respect the other’s territory and consult on all questions affecting their mutual interests. Its value to Turkey would doubtless be measured with an eye to the fate of the Nazi-Soviet pact and other pledges made by the Nazi Government in recent years. It was reported that Turkish-German trade exchanges had increased since the conquest of Greece, and that Turkish minerals, cotton, sugar, and foodstuffs would be exported in larger quantities to meet Axis demands.
Aid for the Soviets. —On the day the Soviet Government entered the war against Germany, Prime Minister Churchill declared that, regardless of previous antagonism, Britain would render the Soviet Government all possible support. He declared that the “single irrevocable purpose” of his people was to “destroy Hitler and every vestige of the Nazi regime.” Hence “Any man or State who fights against Nazism will have our aid. Any man or state who fights with Hitler is our foe.” On this basis Britain stood ready to give Soviet Russia any technical or economic assistance in her power. Sir Stafford Cripps, British envoy to Russia, returned to Moscow by plane on June 27, bringing a strong staff of 4 military, naval, and aviation advisers who were to pave the way for full co-operation. A Soviet military commission arrived later in London.
The American policy toward Russia was stated on June 23 by Assistant Secretary of State Welles. He declared that while the religious and other doctrines of both the communistic and Nazi dictatorships were intolerable to the American people, Hitler’s armies were “today the chief dangers of the Americas,” and any rallying of forces against Hitlerism, from whatever source, would benefit American defense. That this country would give Russia all material aid available was evidenced by the President’s statement on June 25 that the Neutrality Act would not be applied to the Soviet Government, and that the Russian credits of about $40,000,000 frozen by the order of June 14 would be released.
The suspension of the Neutrality Act would leave Vladivostok as a possible port of entry for American supplies.
WESTERN EURPOE
British Cabinet Shake-up. —Another British Cabinet shuffle occurred at the end of June when Lord Beaverbrook, whose abilities had been proved in his former post of Minister of Air Production, was made the new Minister of Supply. For a few months previous to this appointment, Beaverbrook had held a kind of roving commission as “Minister of State,” referee on priorities, and co-ordinator of various production activities. Beaverbrook’s present shift was interpreted as the beginning of a drive for increased munition and tank production to meet the army needs, similar to the upswing he gave to aircraft output. A part of his task was also to bring British and American production into closer coordination. Among other changes, Sir Andrew Duncan, displaced by Beaverbrook in the Supply post, went back to the presidency of the Board of Trade, and Captain Oliver Lyttleton was sent from the latter position to become the Government’s special diplomatic and political representative in the Near East.
AMERICA AND THE WAR
Occupation of Iceland. —On July 7 President Roosevelt announced in a message to Congress that, on the invitation of the Iceland Government, American naval forces were on that date occupying Iceland and taking over its defense. The invitation from the Premier of Iceland came on July 1, stating that the British forces in the island were required elsewhere. Among the eight conditions attached to the invitation were: (1) that American forces be withdrawn after the war; (2) that the United States extend full recognition of Iceland’s sovereignty and independence and work for its recognition in the peace settlement; (3) that the defense measures be made without cost to Iceland, with due regard to the safety and convenience of its population, and in sufficient strength to meet any eventuality. These conditions the President accepted in his reply. Iceland was occupied by British forces estimated at from 60,000 to 80,000 on May 10, 1940, immediately after the German invasion of Denmark. The sea areas surrounding it and further westward to the coast of Greenland were included in an extension of the German danger zone proclaimed last winter. In his message to Congress the President said in part:
The United States cannot permit the occupation by Germany of strategic outposts in the Atlantic to be used as air or naval bases for eventual attack against the Western Hemisphere. We have no desire to see any change in the present sovereignty of those regions. Assurance that such outposts in our defense frontier remain in friendly hands is the very foundation of our national security and of the national security of every one of the independent nations of the New World. For the same reason substantial forces of the United States have now been sent to the bases acquired last year from Great Britain in Trinidad and in British Guiana, in the south, in order to forestall any pincers movement undertaken by Germany against the Western Hemisphere. It is essential that Germany should not be able successfully to employ such tactics through sudden seizure of strategic points in the South Atlantic and in the North Atlantic.
Sinking of Robin Moor. —The most serious strain on German-American relations in ten months of Nazi sea warfare was caused by the sinking of the American freighter Robin Moor in the South Atlantic on May 21. After allowing 30 minutes for the 8 passengers and 38 crew to embark in lifeboats, the submarine sank the ship by torpedo and shells and left the scene. The attack, made about 750 miles off Freetown, Africa, was clearly by a German craft. Eleven survivors were picked up after 19 days at sea, by the Brazilian freighter Orinoco and were taken to Pernambuco. The remainder were rescued after 13 days by a British vessel and landed at Cape Town. The Robin Moor, owned by the Seas Shipping Co. of Baltimore and en route from Baltimore to Brazil and Cape Town, was plainly marked as an American vessel. All but 2 of the passengers and crew were American. She apparently carried no munitions, but railway materials, foodstuffs, and other parts of the cargo could be classed as contraband.
In a message to Congress on the subject on June 20, subsequently transmitted to Germany, the President declared the sinking was “the act of an international outlaw” and stated that his Government would demand “full reparations for the loss and damages.” The President indicated as specific violations of accepted international law (1) that the submarine did not display a flag or otherwise reveal its nationality, (2) that the ship’s passengers and crew were abandoned at sea and placed in great jeopardy, (3) that the American nationality of the ship was admittedly known. From Germany came a prompt retort from official sources that its policy was to sink any ship of any nationality carrying to the enemy goods defined as contraband in German codes.
American Countermoves. —The indifferent or defiant attitude of Germany in the Robin Moor affair found an answer in President Roosevelt’s sweeping action of June 14 which froze the American assets of Germany, Italy, and all invaded or occupied European countries whose funds had not been previously frozen, including Albania, Austria, Czechoslovakia, Danzig, and Poland. The funds of six other countries—the Soviet Union, Switzerland, Sweden, Portugal, Finland, and Spain—were made obtainable only by license after strict scrutiny to determine that they would not be used for the benefit of the Axis powers. All aliens in the United States were required to list assets amounting to more than $1,000.
In a second move, conveyed by a note to German representatives on June 16, the United States ordered the closing by July 10 of the 24 German consulates in this country, as well as the German Library of Information in New York, German railway and tourist agencies, and the Trans-Ocean News service with its affiliates. The closing of the consulates, only a step short of severance of diplomatic relations, was explained as due to activities of an “improper and unwarranted character inimical to the welfare of the United States.” On June 21 similar action was taken against Italian consular representatives, to become effective on July 15. An order issued jointly by the Treasury and Department of Justice also prohibited Germans or Italians from leaving this country without full compliance with the freezing order of June 14. This applied to some 170 or more German consular officials, among others, and was intended to prevent the transfer of Axis funds, agents, and activities to other American states. As a still further step to combat Fifth Column activities within the United States, the Department of Justice at the end of June rounded up 30 men and 3 women on charges of espionage. About three-fourths of these were German.
Axis Retaliation. —Both Berlin and Rome took quick measures of retaliation for the closing of their consulates by simultaneous requests on June 19 that all American consuls be withdrawn within a month’s time from Germany, Italy, and the Axis-occupied countries, including Norway, the Netherlands, occupied France, Yugoslavia, and Greece, and that the offices of the American Express Co. be closed in these areas. The German note cited cases in which American officials were alleged to have made “disparaging remarks” or to have engaged in “machinations” and espionage. American assets, amounting by a rough estimate to about $500,000,000, were tied up in both countries.
Uruguayan Solidarity Move. —Strong support was given by the United States to the proposal advanced by Uruguay on June 21 that the American republics should agree not to place belligerent restrictions on any of their number which, in defense of its own rights, should find itself at war with a non-American power. In other words the sister republics would open their ports, bases, and material resources freely to any one of their number engaged in such a war. From Washington on July 2 came a warm endorsement of this plan as providing for “constructive and practical cooperation.” In July, however, it was not clear that the proposal would at once be given full acceptance by Argentina and certain other of the more neutral-minded Latin American nations.
Portuguese Protests. —Mild protests from Portugal were a perhaps unexpected by-product of President Roosevelt’s speech of May 27, in which he stressed the danger to the Western Hemisphere involved in possible Nazi control of “the Atlantic fortress of Dakar and the island outposts of the New World—the Azores and Cape Verde Islands.” As made public in mid- June, the Portuguese note reaffirmed Portugal’s neutrality and determination to guard her insular and other territory against attack from any quarter. It then called on the United States for an assurance that this neutrality would be respected. The reply of Secretary Hull disclaimed all aggressive intentions but also stressed the “expanding acts of aggression” on the part of the Axis, and avoided a definite assurance that preventive measures might not be necessary to keep strategic points in the Atlantic from falling under German control.
FAR EAST
Axis Recognizes Nanking Regime. — As a climax of puppet Premier Wang Ching-wei’s visit to Tokyo at the close of June, the Japanese Government announced on July 1 that Germany, Italy, and the Axis-controlled states of Slovakia, Rumania, and Croatia had extended recognition to the Japanese sponsored Chinese Government at Nanking. Spain and Bulgaria also followed suit in thus endorsing Japan’s “new order in East Asia.” The chief purpose of this long delayed recognition was apparently to afford a crumb of encouragement for Tokyo government leaders, who were obviously bewildered at the quick turn of Axis diplomacy. Within two months of the Soviet-Japanese nonaggression pact, encouraged by Germany, Japan’s Axis allies and the Soviet Union were at war.
Japan and the Indies. —Following the very decided setback to Japan in the outcome of the 20-month negotiations for increased trade with the Netherlands Indies, the Japanese Government announced on June 18 that the negotiations were ended and that its representative Kenkichi Yoshizawa had been called home. In a long explanatory statement the Tokyo Foreign Office set forth that all Japan had wanted was “a very reasonable right” to share with third powers (the United States and Britain) in Dutch economic concessions, but the unsatisfactory reply of Batavia on June 6 made further discussion useless.
Philippine Loyalty. —The question of the attitude of the Philippine Government in the event of American entry into the world conflict was set at rest by President Quezon’s pledge of support in a recent Loyalty Day address in Manila. He said:
We owe our loyalty to America and we are bound to her by bonds of everlasting gratitude. Should the United States enter the war, she will find all of the people in this country, to the last man, on her side. Our stake in this war is our own future independence, and assurance that independence may endure.